Constructing Scenes To Display Findings in Case Study Reporting
Merry M. Merryfield
The Ohio State University
Case studies are widely accepted as one way of reporting on
educational inquiry (Wilson & Gudmundsdottir, 1987). A case
should teach the findings to the reader with vivid portrayals
that both display and interpret data (Erickson, 1986; Merriam,
1988a). Case studies should portray the various perspectives of
people involved in the subject under study and display sufficient
and compelling evidence to support the major findings (Lincoln
and Guba, 1985). McCorcle (1984), Stake (1988), and Zeller
(1987) have encouraged writers of case studies to be innovative
in composing the case in an engaging, compelling manner not
unlike the story line of investigative journalism, a non-fiction
novel, or a documentary.
However, scholars recognize several problems in the writing
of such case studies. There are no standard formats for data
reduction, data display, or the organization of the case (Bogdan
& Biklen, 1982; Lofland, 1974; Tesch, 1990). Ethnographers
(Clifford & Marcus, 1986; Van Maanen, 1988; Wolcott, 1990) have
also struggled with developing ways to write up qualitative
findings. As Stenhouse (1988) and Woods (1985) have noted, many
researchers falter between the steps of collecting data and
writing case studies due to problems in reducing and reporting on
enormous amounts of raw data. One problematic decision that many
scholars who construct case study reports face is displaying
qualitative findings. Some writers address this problem by
integrating thick description into interpretive commentary as
vignettes or quotes of raw data.
This article presents a technique for displaying findings
through the development of scenes that take the reader into the
interaction surrounding the subject under study. First, I shall
provide a rationale for constructing what I shall call "scenes."
Second, drawing examples from a case study of educational change
in Kenya (Merryfield, 1986), I will outline the steps I have used
in writing case studies that include scenes as illustrations of
findings. Finally, I will assess problems and limitations in
this approach to displaying findings.
A Rationale for Constructing Scenes and Dialogues
There are many types, styles, and uses for case studies
(see Lincoln & Guba, 1985; McCorcle, 1984; Merriam, 1988a &
1988b; Stake, 1978; Stenhouse, 1988; Zeller, 1987). In this
article I am referring to a case study as a written report of "an
examination of a particular phenomenon such as a program, an
event, a person, a process, an institution, or a social group"
(Merriam, 1988b, p.84). I will be addressing the issue of
writing a case in order to report or disseminate knowledge about
educational research, evaluation, or policy analysis.
Within the context of this article, scenes are constructed
realities written as a brief sequences of events that include
reflections and dialogue. Scenes are written to portray how the
subject under study fits into the natural settings of people's
everyday lives. Scenes display findings, not raw data, and, as
such, are products of data analysis. Why might case
studies include such scenes? There are three major reasons.
First, the construction of scenes and dialogues allows the writer
to portray the subject under study within its many contexts. The
use of monologues and dialogues in reporting findings is not new
as evidenced by the work of Greenwood and Parkay (1989), LaBoskey
and Wilson (1987), and Mac An Ghaill (1989). Scenes and
dialogues can take the reader into the lives of the people
involved in the subject under study so that the reader can learn
from those people in much the same way as the researcher did.
Second, the process of constructing the scenes allows for data
reduction without the loss of idiosyncratic information.
Minority viewpoints, singular experiences, or data contradictory
to the general consensus are included in much the same way as one
learns about them in daily life. The writer constructs sequences
of events--scenes--that include the substance of the raw data
within an organizational framework that portrays findings.
Third, scenes can act as checks on the trustworthiness and ethics
of data collection and findings. Since respondents have their
own understanding of the subject and its contextual factors, they
can contribute to the study by pointing out sensitive data,
findings that may harm a respondent, or political implications
within the local context. Sharing tentative scenes with
respondents for their reactions and suggestions acts as a check
on the trustworthiness of the research ("yes, that's how it
is...") and often leads to new data ("but what about...?"), new
sources of data ("have you seen...?"), different interpretations
("but the new syllabus doesn't necessarily mean..."), and ethical
dilemmas ("I think I can be identified here, and that can hurt
me"). These new data can help to revise existing scenes or
become the genesis of new scenes. Constructing Scenes
Reader's Guide
Scene construction runs parallel to data collection and
on-going analysis. In my studies of curricular innovations in
Africa, I developed a reader's guide to explain how the cases,
especially the scenes, were constructed. Although guides may not
be necessary in every case, I have found that they help in
convincing others that the scenes are products of research. See
Table 1 for the reader's guide for the case study report on
curricular reform in Kenya.
The guide was included as part of an introduction to the
study, its methodology, and construction. I revised and added to
the guide as I constructed the case. Other cases have different
reader's guides as each written case is to some degree unique in
its content and audience.
Scene Construction
Scene construction begins as tentative findings emerge. In
the first scene in the Kenyan case I wanted to introduce the
reader to the study, some of its cast of characters, and their
perspectives about social studies. I also needed to introduce
the reader to the language of Kenyan education (for example,
teacher educators are called tutors). I developed the scene from
meetings of the national social studies panel because a meeting
was a natural place for discussion of the curriculum change
within the context of the Kenyan system of education.
The subsequent scenes build upon the people, the
discussion, and the issues raised in the first scene. Among the
eighteen characters introduced in the first scene are Washington
Ombok (these are fictitious names, see Table 1), an assistant
primary school inspector, and Silvester Oching, a tutor at a
teachers college. These persons appear again in the third scene
(excerpted below) which looks at some of the concerns and issues
of social studies in a poor rural district far away from, yet
overlapping, the discussion of the introductory scene. This
scene includes the realities of a district inspector, a student
in a teacher college, and two teacher educators. The scene
focuses on one event--a school visit--from multiple perspectives.
Below on the left is an excerpt from Scene Three. In the right
column are notations on its construction. Remember that all
actors, schools, and locations are constructed from the findings.
What a person is "thinking" or "reflecting" is based upon data
collected through interviews or documentary analysis.
As the scene begins we meet Washington Ombok, a district
inspector in a poor rural district, and learn about his
perspectives and experiences with social studies and the Primary
Education Project (PEP). Some instructional materials arrive for
the PEP pilot school in his district, and he sets out to deliver
them. He gives a ride to Timothy, the son of a friend who is a
student in a nearby teachers college. The excerpt begins as
their Land-Rover approaches the pilot school to deliver the
materials.
As the Land-Rover approaches, headmaster Julius Were tells his
pupils to finish their math assignment and hurriedly walks across
the playing field to the staff room. He looks with pride at the
new standard VIII classroom. The school looks fine, he thinks.
All my teachers are present today too. He catches his breath in
the heat as his exertion brings beads of sweat to his face.
Timothy looks at the line of eight mud-walled and zinc-roofed
classrooms and wonders what he would do if he were placed in such
a school after graduation. It's not unlikely since new teachers
often are sent to the less desirable schools in rural areas.
It's the best of the older teachers that are placed in the
schools with good reputations, higher test scores, and better
amenities. If only I had gotten into the University, Timothy
thinks. Maybe after a few years of teaching, I can find a way to
get accepted.
Mr. Ombok is pleased by what he sees. It looks as though all
the teachers are present, and the compound looks clean and
well-tended, for once.
If compared with Blixon Primary, Jalo might appear as rather
roughly-hewed. However, within the frame of reference of its
community, Jalo's construction is not dissimilar from the homes
of its pupils. The mud walls and zinc roof protect the children
from heat and rain. The desks, book shelves, and chairs are
locally made and paid for by parents and the school community.
"Good afternoon, Mr. Ombok. We are glad to have you visit our
school." Mr. Were shakes hands with Mr. Ombok and is introduced
to Timothy Oluoch.
"Some new materials came in today from the Institute. Here
they are."
The men unload the cartons and carry them into the staff room,
a smaller version of one of the classrooms furnished with a table
and several chairs. Cardboard cartons are perched high on
rafters as protection from creatures of the night who might
destroy the books and papers stored within.
"I believe you are about to start your seventh period?"
questions Mr. Ombok.
Perspective of a headmaster. We
learn in other scenes that it is a
minority viewpoint most frequently
found in schools that do not do
well on national exams.
Perspective of a teacher education
student.
Perspective of district inspector. In
other scenes we learn that these
criteria are two of many that
inspectors use to evaluate schools.
In the second scene we visit Blixon
in an affluent suburb of Nairobi.
Description of a school office.
"Yes, here is our timetable," Mr. Were points to a large piece
of paper fastened to the wall. "Would you like to visit some
classes?"
Normal procedures for an
inspector's observation of
instruction."Is social studies taught now?"
They scan the list for seventh period. The school has eight
teachers factor: The size of classes in a rural school in a and
ninety pupils. The lower standards have 15-20 pupils; the upper
standards are as small as five children.
"How about standard four? That's with Mr. Anyango, my deputy
(assistant headmaster)."
The three men walk toward the classrooms. Children peek out
windows and doorways despite their teachers' attempts to restrain
them. The headmaster motions to Mr. Anyango, introduces him and
sets down two chairs brought from the staff room for his
visitors.
The classroom is cool and dark after the hot walk across the
field. Two, small, square openings cut as windows and the doorway
let in sufficient light for a small garden to grow in one corner.
The mud walls are covered with pupil work and exhibits of
subjects under study, such as locally-made agricultural tools,
food crops, cash crops, an empty beehive, and some musical
instruments. The wooden benches (attached to the wooden planks
that are the desks) are arranged in a semi-circle facing the
blackboard. In one corner is a "store" with shelves of Omo (the
local detergent), flour, sugar and some tinned goods. A big
teacher-made map of Kenya hangs on another wall.
Mr. Anyango begins. "Today we are going to talk about
festivals and ceremonies. Festivals and ..."
"...ceremonies," the children repeat.
"In our community, the Luo community, I think you can tell me
about the festivals and ceremonies."
The twelve children strain to understand the English words.
Standard IV is the year they leave instruction in their mother
tongue and begin instruction in English. Mr. Were helps them
with a brief explanation in Luo.
"Now what are our festivals and ceremonies?"
The children raise their hands, are recognized and stand to
speak.
"Christmas," "Madaraka Day."
"Good, who can tell me another one?"
Contextual factor: The size of
classes in a rural school in a poor
socio-economic area.
Description of classroom and
social studies instruction.
Characteristics of social studies
(displays of student work, teaching
aids, learning centers, etc.).
Contextual factor: instruction is in
English from grade 4 upward. In
another scene we see that urban
schools begin instruction on
English in grade 1.
"Jamhuri Day," "Burial day ceremony."
"Festivals are making parties for enjoyment when we celebrate
births and hold marriage ceremonies. What preparations do we
make?"
"We kill goats."
"There is beer after marriage."
"We welcome people."
"Christmas. Why do we remember it? It is where Jesus is
remembered. Praise God."
The children repeat, "Praise God."
"Praise God for finishing that year. Christmas is the day we
remember the birth of Jesus Christ. Of ...?"
"Jesus Christ."
"As our Savior. As our ...?"
"Savior," the children complete the phrase.
"What is Madaraka Day?"
"June first."
"We celebrate a public holiday. For self-independence and
self- government. Jamhuri Day is our real independence. It's
the twelfth of December, how often?"
"Every year."
"Kenyatta Day is when?"
"Twentieth October every year."
"Who knows Kenyatta?"
All the children raise their hands. "He was the President of
Kenya," a child answers when called upon.
"Yes, you respect him and anybody who is an elder. Respect
anyone who is older than you."
"We are going to talk about musicians. Who is a musician?
Yes?"
"A person who plays music with guitars or horns."
Contextual factor: The role of
religion in social studies. In
another scene Muslim influence is
observed.
Mr. Anyango picks up a many-stringed instrument. It is about
two and a half feet long made from wood and decorated with paint
and beads. The nyatiti is a traditional Luo instrument made in
the local community.
"Now who has seen this played?"
The children raise their hands.
Mr. Were strums the instrument. "You know musicians sing about
their friends."
He sets the nyatiti down and picks up another instrument made
with a hollow base and one string.
"What do we call this one?"
"Ovutu."
"Who knows a musician who plays this?"
The children list the names of some local musicians and others
they have heard on the radio.
"What do you find when there is music?"
"Dancers!" the children tell their teacher.
"Yes, where there's music, there must be dancers."
The class ends with the teacher and children singing a
traditional song and moving to the music.
The inspector thanks Mr. Anyango and Mr. Were and climbs into
the Land-Rover. "Well Timothy, what did you think of the class?"
asks Mr. Ombok.
"He made good use of learning aids. I've not seen a class with
so many decorations on the walls before. Was that class
different from other standard four history or geography classes?"
Mr. Ombok thinks back to the standard IV classes he observed
the day before at the school adjacent to Jalo. The history
lesson was "Marriage in the Old Days"; in geography the children
learned about seasonal rivers, lakes, and the Turkana people.
"The social studies class did focus more on the local
community, and social studies doesn't separate out people from
their environment," Mr. Ombok notes. "I guess I haven't seen
enough social studies to really say if there is a real difference
in classroom instruction.
Characteristic of social studies
(Using teaching aids).
Important characteristic of social
studies (connecting topic to student
experience).
Perspectives on social studies
instruction.
Characteristics of social studies.
Issue: district inspectors don't
evaluate PEP schools; the Institute
has that responsibility.
"Why was Jalo chosen for the PEP experiment?" asks Timothy.
"I'm not really sure. I've heard the schools were chosen at
random. Or perhaps it was because it's a new school and no one
will complain," Mr. Ombok grins. "It's not because it's one of
our best.
Issue: how were pilot-schools
chosen?
[In the next part of the scene we follow Mr. Ombok as he takes
Timothy to the teachers college and stays to chat with some of
the tutors about the PEP schools and social studies.]
The above excerpt demonstrates how some of the major issues,
actors, and contextual factors are integrated for the reader. In
eight other scenes of social studies in Kenya the reader enters
the lives of different people who are involved with social
studies. The purpose of these "visits" with stakeholding
audiences is for the reader to see social studies through the
eyes of those people. The scenes are rich in the contextual
factors that shape people's views toward this educational
innovation. The power of the scenes is cumulative as the
reader explores the complexity of educational change. The
dialogues and reflections of stakeholding audiences portray
social studies within the contexts of people's lives in a way
that a short summary of findings, or even vignettes and quotes of
raw data can never accomplish. Scenes are natural ways to
portray contradictions, minority viewpoints, and misconceptions
that are a critical part of the reality of educational change.
Problems and Limitations
Researchers who develop case studies deal with ethical problems
(Burgess, 1989; Simons, 1989). In constructing scenes it is
especially difficult to protect the privacy and confidentiality
of respondents when the persons hold positions that are unique
within the context of the study. For example, in the case of
social studies in Kenya, there is only one national inspector of
social studies, one curriculum developer for primary social
studies, one director of primary education at the Ministry, and
so forth. With other stake-holding audiences of teachers,
district inspectors, or teacher educators, confidentiality can be
protected by creating composites or disguising locations. With
persons in unique positions the researcher must assume their
portrayals can be recognized by some persons. Consequently, I
negotiated with each person exactly how they would be portrayed
in the scenes. The task of writing from the perspectives of
respondents is a challenge. In constructing dialogues the
researcher literally puts words into people's mouths based not
only upon raw data but also the study's major findings. As
scholars (Donmoyer, 1990; Wolcott, 1990; Zeller, 1987) have
noted, it is probably impossible for researchers to come up with
"objective" findings without coloring them with the their own
views. Zeller (1987) describes the case reporter as a filter
through which experiences of others are shaped and given meaning.
By the nature of human behavior, description and interpretation
cannot be clearly delineated. Wolcott (1990, p. 133) calls his
attempts to get it right as "rigorous subjectivity." Donmoyer
(1990, pp. 194- 196) perceives an advantage in "seeing through
the researcher's eyes" as an added dimension that enriches one's
understanding.
Although these and other issues exist, scenes through which
readers may enter into the lives of people as they interact with
the subject of study are compelling. Respondents recognize their
own perspectives while learning of those of other persons.
Outsiders can read the case and examine the behavior and concerns
of persons involved in the subject under study and the contextual
factors that shape its development. Scenes are a powerful way to
bring alive findings within case study reporting.
Table 1
Readers Guide for Kenyan Case Study (Merryfield,
1986)
1.The case is the result of final data analyses of observations,
interviews, documentary analyses, and unobtrusive measures;
all findings, as verified in checks on trustworthiness, are
included.
2.The case's scenes were developed from the findings. They were
constructed so that the reader can step into the lives of
teachers, students, inspectors, teacher educators, curriculum
developers, ministry personnel, and administrators and learn from
them the multiple realities that were social studies in Kenya
in 1985. The scenes were constructed to provide a range in
time, geography, and perspective. The case includes events
that took place over seven months. It describes schools across
Kenya, with attention to religious, ethnic, socio-economic,
historical, rural/urban, and other differences.
3.Persons described in the case are based on actual people;
however, most characterizations depend on attributes from more
than one person. That is, a teacher described below may be
characterized from the attributes of two or three teachers who
were observed and interviewed. The researcher negotiated
portrayals with those persons who hold unique positions, such
as a national inspector.
4.Within the scenes, fictitious names are given to persons,
schools, and places, both to protect confidentiality and to
remind the reader that the cases are a product, not a record
of research.
5.All classroom instruction is quoted verbatim.
6.Some dialogues have been constructed from observational and
interview data as a stylistic device to inform the reader
about relevant issues or background.
7.As a corollary of the naturalistic paradigm, natural language
and Kenyan spellings are used. Language that differs
considerably from American usage is explained.
8.The case reflects the multiple perspectives that Kenyans have
toward social studies. The case does not include foreign
perspectives, although they may be surmised.
9.Commonly used abbreviations, names, and terms are referenced
the first time they are used in each case.
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