Ken Foster, Department of Education Studies, University of Central Lancashire, England
Introduction
This paper is prompted by the recent decline in teachers' status and public image in both the UK and the USA. In both cases, the teaching profession has been subject to an onslaught, particularly through the press and the literature of the 'New Right'. The purpose of this analysis is to review the images of teachers and teaching evident in literary sources, films, television and the press, and to identify key themes and ideologies which permeate the public arena. Exploring the images of teachers can reveal much about our expectations of their work in schools and classrooms. As Judge (1995) observes, they represent facets of meaning in the dominant culture of a society, determined in substantial measure by the political and administrative framework within which the teacher operates.
The terms 'proletarian' and 'connoisseur' have been selected as contrasting, alternative images to demonstrate the way in which teachers' reputations may be portrayed either favorably or unfavorably in the public eye and, especially, in the political context. As a proletarian the teacher's role is envisaged as that of an un-questioning classroom operator whose actions are determined by administrators; they have reduced professional autonomy and their status is relatively low. As connoisseur the teacher is widely recognized as an expert practitioner with extensive knowledge and understanding of teaching and learning; they have enhanced professional autonomy, and their status is relatively high.
The focus of discussion mainly concerns the UK situation, though the potential for a more extensive, comparative study involving examples from the USA is fully recognized.
In the future a more extended treatise, based on the ideas presented here, will draw upon data from sources that include academic texts in the field of educational research, the work of authors such as Dickens (Hard Times), Laurie Lee (Cider with Rosie), Blyth (Akenfield), Blishen (Roaring Boys), Waller (Sociology of Teaching), films such as Educating Rita, Dead Poets' Society, Kes, and numerous contemporary press items.
The purpose at this stage is more modest, serving to identify the field of enquiry and to explore selective aspects of the topic enshrined in the title.The main thesis will contrast the idealized perceptions of teaching evident in the folklore of the good, wise person possessing a fathomless repertoire of skills, with the proletarianized, low-level, de-skilled performer of the 1990's who is repeatedly blamed for the failing of the system.
Overall the analysis will be under-pinned by an emphasis on a qualitative approach to research, of the kind identified by Eisner (1985) and Schratz (1993), in which analysis of images has value in raising awareness of a critical professional issue. An attempt will be made to outline a framework for researching this public image and for promoting some of the relatively un-declared skills of teaching as an essential part of the culture and ethos of the school, and as a means to counter adverse criticism of teachers.
It is possible, for example, to allegorize teaching and to detect within teacher narratives a sense of the tragic, ironic, comic or romantic (Thomas, 1995, pp 170). Although these categories will not be used for purposes of analysis at this stage, the 'romantic' idea of teaching as human endeavor and as a moral craft (Gordon, 1992) will inform the overall aim of enhancing the reputation of the profession.
Methodology
To some extent the type of qualitative methodology is implicit in the choice of topic and the general approach to its analysis. The quotations from other texts are selected as examples of images, official and un-official, and of themselves constitute a kind of data. Other sources are briefly acknowledged but not explored. The paper is necessarily embryonic with many loose ends. At the heart of the endeavor is the belief that images in qualitative research serve a canonical function (Eisner, 1993, pp ix), so, in a sense my loose ends are data waiting to be drawn into the weave of this particular thesis.
Following Thomas (1995), the arguments presented here are based on the assumption that there has been a change in the intellectual climate, a shift in the dominant metaphors, and a re-discovery of meaning and interpretation. Whereas Thomas' concern is with teachers' voices. The interest in this paper is rather with images as teachers' voice-overs. Thomas draws attention to the way teacher narratives are 'saturated with explicit and implied conventions' (Thomas, 1995, pp170). Similarly in considering images of teachers in a range of media and texts, it is necessary to recognize their archetypal nature and to acknowledge how they are already determined by cultural and literary conventions.
Proletarianization
The status of teachers as professionals has remained questionable throughout recent history; they are often, as now, at the center of conflicting interests and demands but rarely, if ever, in a position to change things, should they wish to. Hargreaves (1989) opens up the debate on teaching quality from a sociologist's point of view and draws attention to the 'control purposes of schooling' noting how it may exclude other 'personal and social ends'. At the same time he also comments on the need to ease teachers from some of their traditional loyalties associated with subjects and assessment. In similar vein Barnes (1992) considers teachers' 'frames' for teaching and observes how these are based on institutional imperatives which may not be easily changed. Reynolds and Packer (1992) refer to this phenomenon as the 'deep structure' of values and relationships in school, implying that teachers' work is constrained by its societal, cultural and historical location. For Reynolds and Packer school effectiveness can only be improved by tackling the psycho therapeutic situation of teachers. Such commentary hints at the idea that the existing world of teacher values and attitudes may not be easily transformed. Equally, the interpersonal relationships obtaining between teachers and pupils may be difficult to challenge, let alone replace with new sets of expectations.
In addition the work of teaching is increasingly subject to technical rationality with priority given to practical concerns, competency, and appraisal. This is particularly evident in the reform of teacher education where previous liberal and progressive approaches came under government attack. As Furlong (1993) observes, these initiatives in relation to teacher education can be taken as an attempt to de-politicize teachers and 'to reconstruct the very notion of professionalism itself'. In this situation it is hard to envisage teachers moving towards any alternative model, such as the one advocated by Avis (1994) in which there is a concern for the politics of difference or 'radical pluralism', or the suggestion by Furlong that teachers may become 'transformative intellectuals', promoting critical thinking and emancipation amongst their pupils.
Over and against these prospects there is the situation outlined by Walsh (1987) in which teacher appraisal is seen as symptomatic of a general reduction in autonomy with teaching development being controlled in line with central objectives and priorities. Ball (1990) extends this argument by suggesting that the advent of the National Curriculum, National Testing, Local Management of Schools (LMS) and teacher appraisal, collectively amount to 'a significant change in the labor process, ethos and conditions of work of teaching, a process of proletarianization.'
A number of authors are clear that this situation creates a moral and civic duty for teachers to oppose these trends in the interests of promoting greater equality of opportunity in education (Hill, 1990, Ball, 1990, Avis, 1994). For this to happen requires a major change in the public image of teachers, one which draws more attention to their expertise as practitioners and informed professionals.
The situation demands a greater awareness of the power of particular image-makers, such as those evident in the tabloid press, and a move to develop the strategic means to counter adverse criticism. The pursuit of professional ideals, including equality of opportunity, would be greatly facilitated by moves to enhance the professional image in this way, serving to give teachers a basis for a planned response that better served their interests and the interests of their pupils.
Connoisseurship
For Polanyi (1958) the importance of connoiseurship concerned the way in which the art of knowing has remained unspecifiable at the heart of science. Within scientific reasoning there is a component of personal knowledge which is about 'the arts of doing and knowing, the valuation and understanding of meanings,' and the practice of connoisseurship serves to unify these qualities through the exercise of skill and intellectual commitment (Polanyi, 1958, pp 64-65).
These ideas are taken up and extended in the field of educational evaluation by Eisner (1985). A distinction is made between educational connoiseurship and educational criticism, the former concerning the art of appreciation and the latter the art of disclosure. These ideas are central to the present discussion as they inform both the way in which teachers' work may be understood and, at the same time, investigated.
The importance of the term connoisseurship is the way it signifies a skilled performance in teaching, one that is recognized as such by informed observers. Such judgements about teaching are evident in the work of Borko, et. al. (1993), for example, with a distinction made between expert and novice practitioners. The following extract from Borko's study demonstrates the way the art of knowing articulates with classroom practice.
'The success of the expert's explanations and demonstrations
seemed to depend upon their ability to assess student under-
standing and to provide quickly examples when students were
uncertain or confused. In terms of cognitive structure, this ability
to be responsive to students when providing explanations and
demonstrations requires that the teacher have an extensive network
of interconnected, easily accessible schemata and be able to select
information from these schemata during actual teaching and learn-
ing interactions, based on specific classroom events.'
(Borko, et al, 1993, pp 66-67)
Similarly the example of Jim the expert mathematics teacher demonstrates how responsiveness and stage management are essential in the teacher's repertoire, designed to make things happen.
'Responsiveness in Jim's teaching was exemplified by his
on-the-spot
decisions to add unplanned demonstrations to his lessons. To be able
to teach flexibly, he kept handy a variety of 'props' including a spring
scale, fulcrum, metre stick and weights. In all cases the flexibility and
responsiveness of the expert's teaching seemed to depend upon quick
access to an extensive, well-developed system of knowledge.'
(Borko, et al, 1993, pp 68)
Woods (1993) takes analysis of teacher skills a stage further by researching what he considered to be exceptional educational activities, or 'critical events'. By drawing on special school projects which involved collaboration with experts from professions outside of teaching, Woods identifies special qualities which enhanced pupils' learning, including charisma, trust, authenticity and verisimilitude. These qualities are contrasted with the idea of the 'proper teacher', identified in earlier research by Sikes, Measor and Woods (1985), and the limitations to the teacher's role set by increased bureaucracy apparent since the advent of the 1988 Education Reform Act. It is argued that this recent elaboration of rules and regulations, the requirements of assessment, and the emphasis on technical competence will result in a loss of personal identification and control, inhibiting spontaneity and creativity. Hence the need, Woods argues, for reliance on outside sources, in the form of 'critical others' to spark off teachers and promote more inspirational forms of teaching and learning.
The importance of Wood's case in the present context is the way he identifies the parameters of 'real teaching' and appropriate 'attitudes of mind' for effective teaching. 'Real teaching' is defined in the following terms and linked with 'real learning'.
'Real teaching involves genuine, first-hand knowledge;
a
real task, that is one that counts as purposeful within the
discipline area involved, actual processes, entailing "skills"
and "modes of knowing" ....... , that is inducing thinking
like an author, scientist, historian, architect, or whatever,
and it produces real learning.'
(Woods, 1993, pp 556)
Such descriptions merit comparison with the idea of teaching as connoisseurship, though, if we accept Wood's account, the nature of schooling and classrooms sets limits to what may be accomplished within the teaching role. Woods cites Ruddock (1985) noting that the art of teaching may be threatened by habit and routine, with teachers failing to challenge things taken-for-granted.
Institutionalized images
Such descriptions of teachers and teaching provide examples of images, in this case images carefully formulated by those who have an interest in identifying and celebrating teacher qualities. The question of image was certainly uppermost in the mind of Willard Waller when he wrote 'The Sociology of Teaching' (Waller, 1932). Waller provides a series of contrasting images in the form of teacher stereotypes, listed under the heading of 'Varieties of Prestige and Disrepute'. It is noted that in schools 'only certain types of images can sift through the institutional network', whether these be prestigious or otherwise. Among favorable categories are included the parent substitute and the cultural or social ideal, while the unfavorable include the easy mark, the amiable or good natured teacher, the martinet and the bully.
Waller qualifies our understanding of these images by outlining subtle variations in the way a teacher's persona may be sustained, or otherwise, within the culture of the school.. Equally in the present account it has to be acknowledged that some of the potency of Waller's analysis may be rooted in a system no longer experienced, though one suspects that some of the imagery may still be enshrined in the mythology and folklore which surrounds the contemporary scene in schools. The description of the career of the good-natured teacher, or of the way teachers fall prey to ego gratifying devices, are packed full of observational nuances that may still be recognized within today's profession.
More importantly Waller points out that his varieties of prestige and disrepute are 'social images which are by definition distortions of impressions of persons; we are dealing quite frankly with illusion and not reality.' Waller also sounds a methodological warning, for these social images presented are selective; there are likely to be many other images. Teachers will rarely exemplify a given type and are likely to bring something 'uniquely personal' to the way they enact their role. Interestingly the way Waller distinguishes between the institutional and the personal heralds the kind of discussion presented by Woods in his review of critical events. As Waller puts it,
'But when this that is uniquely personal creeps in, it
is because
the institution cannot keep it out, and the interaction which then
arises no longer pertains to those illusions of prestige and disrepute
upon which rests the institutional leadership that teachers practice. '
(Waller, 1932, pp 277)
Unfortunately Waller is even more sanguine than Woods in relation to the impact of teachers' imagery or persona, for,
'Teachers are shapes seen in a fog, and students have
fog-bound
attitudes toward them; the shapes are human and occasionally
personal, and yet the most significant thing is that they are seen in a
fog.'
(Waller, 1932, pp 277)
It is important to distinguish between attempts to observe and refine the art and craft of teachers' work and the effects that such imagery may have both within the school and the wider public arena, or educational audience. One concerns the task of disclosure in relation to the dynamics and skills evident in effective teaching. The other has a focus on the persuasiveness of an image, based on its location within a particular educational ideology or perspective. From this point of view Sikes, et al (1985) point out that the notion of the 'proper teacher' ... 'was an artefact, a composite of elements derived from common expectations for a particular purpose.' The 'proper teacher' was simply an image against which teachers might measure their own performance, borrowing elements of it to suit their purposes in a given context, and at particular points in time in their careers.
The power and longevity of images
Images of teaching may be even more broadly persuasive than the above example. Charles Dickens' portrayal of Squeers, the schoolmaster of the infamous Dotheboys Hall in Nicholas Nickelby is, perhaps, self-evidently such an image. Dickens uses his skills as a novelist both to entertain, through the portrayal of the comic and the ludicrous, and to dramatically reveal the corrupt nature of practices in nineteenth century Yorkshire schools. As Collins (1963) observes, by blending the comical with the truth, Dickens proved to be a particularly efficacious educational reformer. These are powerful images, widely disseminated in the popular literature of the day, hotly disputed in the press and debated in the public arena.
Such images, of course, become part of the handed-down folk-lore of teaching. Squeers' harsh treatment of children and his doses of brimstone and treacle may still be remembered and used as a means of cross-reference and yard-stick in more enlightened times. More formally, but in similar vein, Tipple (1994) borrows extracts from Dickens' portrayal of Mr. Gradgrind in Hard Times, and from Bradley Headstone in our Mutual Friend, in order to develop a critique of the 'back to basics' approach to education being advocated by the government of the day. As Tipple notes,
'There is no doubt that Mr Gradgrind would have supported
league tables and the public pillorying of failing schools. He
would have avidly read his league tables and discounted anything
that could not be quantified into a performance indicator'
(Tipple, 1994, pp 68)
The power of images to infiltrate society and reinforce its structural arrangements is considered at length by Marwick (1980) in his book 'Class:Image and Reality'. Marwick distinguishes four images, or categories of image, of social class; 'academic images', 'official images', 'unofficial and private images' and 'media images'. The point is made, for example, that films are a product of culture in a given country and, where films are received by large audiences, 'they are likely to tell us about the unvoiced assumptions of the people who watched' them. Marwick takes on an ambitious 'mapping' exercise, comparing the image and reality of class in three countries (Britain, France and the USA); this is in the belief that 'historical reality' is a 'fusion of the historical context, the subjective imagery, and the objective inequalities' (Marwick, 1980, pp 22).
It would seem feasible to subject images of teaching to a similar kind of analysis, considering the role of such imagery in relation to the structural location and historical development of this occupational group. The four categories of image identified by Marwick could easily be applied. Images of teaching are evident in all of these, though the messages may differ markedly, depending on which category is selected. Most obviously images portrayed by the right-wing press may contrast with certain left-wing academic images.
This may not always be the case and in other categories there may be a need to acknowledge the skills of contemporary authors and playwrights (in television productions, for example) in capturing teacher personas which extend beyond the stereotyped versions of previous generations. Of course, it may be useful to consider such image-making as both subtle and refined but, nevertheless, context-bound, equating, in this respect, to the earlier descriptions of Willard Waller.
Marwick's thesis on discerning the links between subjective and objective reality can be illustrated by reference to the theme of proletarianization identified in the introduction to this paper. The conditions of service for teachers have changed dramatically in recent times in the wake of fundamental government reforms and legislation. There are tight constraints on teachers' approach to their work, based on official requirements for curriculum delivery and assessment, coupled with appraisal, the threat of performance related pay, and increase in class sizes.
Overall there has been a major strategic attempt to tighten ideological control of teachers, teacher educators, and local authorities. Teacher status has been under concerted attack from right wing politicians and the tabloid press. The extent and falaciousness of this is outlined by Hill (1990) who notes the wild inaccuracy of comment relating to 'trendy' teachers and 'progressive' teachers. Hill selects the following passage from the Daily Mail article of 4th May, 1982, when inner city riots were blamed on 'trendy' school staff.
'The explosive mixture being produced in the eighties
is the direct result
of second generation education in the comprehensive over the last two
decades, stimulated by well-meaning but malignant philosophies of trendy
teachers coming out of training colleges with half-baked ideas on mixed
ability teaching, egalitarianism, and the abolition of corporal punishment
and
classroom discipline.'
(Hill, 1990, pp 15)
Such media mongering appears designed to capture public support for government policies which are essentially concerned with promoting a free market concept of education. What teachers have to offer is now subject to the rampant criticism of the consumer. The concerted effort of (some of) the press to reinforce this move is further evident in the following headlines and extracts taken from the Daily Express.
'School inspectors savage bad teachers' (Dec. 5. 1994)
'Scandal of second-rate lessons that leave bored youngsters unstretched' (Dec 5. 1994)
'Millions of school children are being betrayed by bad teachers who have failed to master the three 'R's' (May 2. 1995)
'Crisis in Teaching - Dunce schools scandal' (Feb. 15. 1994)
'How trendy educators have failed our children' (Oct. 11. 1995)
Comments of this type serve to emphasize the public accountability
of teachers, while disregarding any form of systematic, informed skepticism
concerning the complexities of teaching and learning. Images and rhetoric
combine to perpetuate myths such as 'trendy' teachers or 'half-baked' theory
and philosophy promoted by teacher educators. The power of such imagery
resides in its close association with educational policy and decision-making,
providing a widespread form of legitimation for a particular educational
hegemony.
Teachers as forgotten heroes
Investigating the potency of imagery in the way outlined above may help to underline the importance of teaching as a craft. This is particularly important at a time when the future of teaching as a profession is under siege. In the words of a recent feature in the Times Educational Supplement, teachers are the forgotten heroes (TES, Mar. 31, 1995). Writing under this banner, Hargreaves (1995) proposes that teachers should be in the vanguard of educational reform, while Robinson (1995) calls for enhanced respect for the teacher and teacher autonomy.
It is clear from such commentary that the image of teachers and teaching plays a crucial part in the learning process and the welfare of pupils. Goodson (1995) judges this to be so and outlines the characteristics of the autonomous teacher. His statement merits comparison with the idea of connoisseurship, introduced earlier, and the attempts by others (such as Woods) to identify the range of skills, knowledge, and expertise required to do the job effectively.
Good teachers are driven by their imagination, their knowledge,
their love of the subject. We want more individuality and eccentricity
in the classroom, not less. But like actors, artists and other creative
people, teachers need constant ego-massage - it is hard to perform well
when subjected to constant abuse.'
(Goodson, 1995, pp viii)
Unfortunately such attempts to promote the idea of quality in teaching remain limited. The profession appears overwhelmed by the combined onslaught of government policy and media coverage. Responses tend to be defensive, short-term and crisis-focused and, at times, apologetic, blaming the system and lack of resources. Informed, alternative visions are confined to the educational press and rarely surface in more publicly accessible arenas. There is an urgent need to understand the power of the image and the work that needs to be done to resurrect the positive voice of teachers so that it is heard more clearly beyond the confines of the classroom.
A methodological footnote
The topic outlined above raises an interesting series of questions about alternative forms of data representation and, in addition, about the meaning of the term 'data' itself. The work of Marwick (1980), referred to above, is far from being hampered by what we might consider to be conventional usage of validity and reliability as terms of reference, for example. This does not detract from Marwick's scholarship; he is an eminent historian working within what Eisner (1993) has described as the pursuit of truth based upon shared frameworks of perception and understanding. In Marwick's case an objective account incorporates subjective influences on a grand scale.
Suffice to observe at this stage, that such an approach is, at once, both appropriate and exciting. Recent texts which take on the challenge in these terms, include Wilson and Gutierrez' (1995) review of the mass media's influence on perceptions of race, class and gender, and Weber and Mitchell's (1995) study of the way media stereo-types permeate the world of schools and classrooms.
It also pays to strike out in less obvious directions for inspiration. A review of the work of Ronald Searle and his creation of 'St. Trinians' (Webb, 1959) provides a useful means to reflect on, and adjust our fine tuning, on what might constitute data in this kind of enquiry.
Searle's cartoons of mischievous (indeed villainous) schoolgirls first appeared in the 1940's and Webb's compilation, un-trammelled, as it is, by any social science research conventions, reveals a fascinating world of effects and responses in the public at large, triggered off by a cartoon genius. In the introduction it is noted that the joke of St. Trinians became part of English mythology. The monthly appearance of these demonic schoolgirls brought a flood of newspaper cuttings and letters to Searle's address, sufficient to fill several large folders. More conventional researchers would surely be envious of the ease with which such data was readily obtained, all unsolicited and void of researcher bias! More significantly, it is acknowledged that Searle had got himself astride a horse that was heading into open country. The parodies of schooling, of pupils and of teachers gained world-wide circulation, from Streatham to Bangkok. This seemingly infinite trail of what might be considered 'data' prompts a caution for those who would seek a more controlled environment for their research.
It would be hard to deny the impact of St.Trinians, or to claim that this portrayal of a school, especially through its cartoons of teacher-pupil conflicts, did not touch upon and replicate, through humor, a whole series of entrenched attitudes. The central interest, of course, was the way education attempts to control the impetuous reactions born of adolescence, and, as such, is close to the concerns of the paper outlined above.
It is hoped that this constitutes a fitting end note to the paper in terms of the seemingly unlimited prospects for interpreting meaning and constructing an account. This particular source invites interrogation that is exploratory, open-ended, and creative. It presents a freedom of enquiry and a methodological challenge apposite to the topic.
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