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Cultural Mistrust, Ethnic Identity, Racial Identity, and Self-Esteem Among Ethnically Diverse Black University Students
Journal of Counseling and Development: JCD; Alexandria; Spring 2001; Rosemary E Phelps; Janice D. Taylor; Phyllis A Gerard;
Volume: 79
Issue: 2
Start Page: 209-216
ISSN: 07489633
Abstract:
Cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, racial identity, and self-esteem were examined among African (n = 26), African American (n = 110), and West Indian/Caribbean (n = 24) university students. African American students' scores were statistically different from those of African and West Indian/Caribbean students on cultural mistrust, racial identity, and ethnic identity measures.
Full Text:
Copyright American School Counselor Association Spring 2001
Cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, racial identity, and self-esteem were examined among African (n - 26), African American (n 110), and West Indian/Caribbean (n - 24) university students. African American students' scores were statistically different from those of African and West Indian/Caribbean students on cultural mistrust, racial identity, and ethnic identity measures. There were no statistically significant differences on self-esteem among the 3 groups. Results did indicate that cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, and racial identity accounted for 37% of the variance in self-esteem for African American students. Implications for practice and future research directions are discussed.
Over the years the development and consequences of cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, racial identity, and self-esteem for various U.S. racial and ethnic minority groups have been examined. Although these theoretical and empirical bodies of literature have focused both on between-group and within-group differences, a vast portion has emphasized between-group differences. This has led to an impression of homogeneous, monolithic racial and ethnic groups. It is interesting that this trend has occurred despite several edicts to examine racial and ethnic within-group variation more systematically (e.g., Atkinson & Thompson, 1992; Casas, 1985). The examination of within-group variation seems particularly relevant for Blacks because of the varied histories, multifaceted influences, and diverse circumstances of ethnically diverse Black populations. However, when cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, racial identity, and self-esteem are studied in U.S. Black populations, little attention is paid to within-group ethnic diversity. Samples often include U.S. Blacks and African Americans, other people of African descent, as well as those from the African Diaspora. There are some studies that examine within- and between group differences of ethnically diverse Blacks in the United States on cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, racial identity, and self-esteem (e.g., Phinney & Onwughalu, 1996; Remy, 1996; Speight, Vera, & Derrickson, 1996); however, they do not investigate these variables together in a systematic manner. As a point of clarification, the term Black is used in this article to refer collectively to the three ethnically diverse populations (African, African American, and West Indian/Caribbean) being examined in this study. In addition, the term Black is also used to maintain language consistency when citing earlier studies.
CULTURAL MISTRUST
According to Terrell and Terrell (1981), cultural mistrust involves the inclination among Blacks to mistrust Whites, with mistrust most evident in the areas of education and training, business and work, interpersonal and social relations, and politics and law. Although sometimes called by a different name (e.g., healthy cultural paranoia), this inclination to mistrust Whites has been discussed over the years (e.g., Grier & Cobbs, 1968; Terrell, Terrell, & Taylor, 1981; Thompson, Neville, Weathers, Poston, & Atkinson, 1990), with debate about its healthy and adaptive nature (e.g., Grier & Cobbs, 1968; Thompson et al., 1990) versus its pathological and maladaptive nature. Cultural mistrust research has focused on the effects on counseling process (e.g., help-seeking attitudes of Black students), counseling outcomes (e.g., premature termination), and educational and occupational expectations.
Most of the cultural mistrust research has examined U.S. Blacks and African Americans and has indicated a tendency for Blacks to mistrust Whites. In the examination of cultural mistrust in other Black populations (e.g., Biafora, Taylor, Warheit, Zimmerman, &Vega, 1993; Biafora, Warheit, et al., 1993), differences have been noted. For example, Biafora, Taylor, et al. (1993) examined cultural mistrust and racial pride in 1,328 ethnically diverse Black sixth- and seventh-grade boys. Their sample included African Americans, Haitians (U.S.-born and those born outside the U.S.), and Caribbean Islanders (U.S.-born and those born outside the US.). Results indicated that approximately one third of the sample expressed general mistrust of Whites and White teachers. Haitians had the highest levels of mistrust, with foreign-born Haitians expressing the most mistrust of Whites. Caribbean Islanders had the lowest levels of cultural mistrust, with U.S.-born Caribbean Islanders being the least mistrustful.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
Ethnic identity is a developmental process that has received increased attention in the literature. Phinney (1992) suggested that ethnic identity is a general phenomenon common to all people. In some of her work on ethnicity, Phinney (1996) delineated culture, minority status, and ethnic identity as aspects of ethnicity that may be helpful in understanding the psychological impact on various racial and ethnic groups.
As noted earlier, there is little information available on within- and between-group differences of ethnically diverse Black populations in the United States on specific variables, including ethnic identity. However, the research that has been done in this area suggests that ethnic identity is a complex and contextually bound factor. For example, McLaughlin (1981) reported in a study of West Indian immigrants that they tended to define themselves by nationality rather than by race. McLaughlin also found the use of the term West Indian increased when the context included other West Indians, Blacks, and White Americans.
RACIAL IDENTITY
There has been a proliferation of racial identity research as evidenced by the number of books (e.g., Helms, 1990), dissertations (e.g., Schutt-Aine, 1994), and articles (e. g., Austin, Carter, Vaux, 1990; Bagley & Copeland, 1994). Racial identity has been examined in relation to many variables including career aspirations (e.g., Helms & Piper, 1994), self-esteem (Hughes & Demo, 1989), and preference for same-race counselors (Parham & Helms, 198 1). Black racial identity has been the most widely studied of the racial identity development models. According to Helms (1990), racial identity is a sense of group or collective identity based on the perception that one shares a common racial heritage with a particular group. Helms's Black racial identity model is based on the work of Cross (1971) and involves statuses in which one moves from a self-denigrating view of oneself as a racial being to a view with a solid and healthy sense of oneself as a racial being. Although racial identity has been documented as an important variable for African Americans, there is little research examining racial identity in other ethnically diverse Black populations. However, some authors (e.g., Megwalu, 1990) have suggested the examination of racial identity in an African context as a possible research area. In addition, Megwalu asserted that Black people everywhere come to experience the world from an inferior position, sooner or later (p. 13). More research is needed investigating racial identity in other Black populations.
SELF-ESTEEM
Self-esteem has been a highly researched construct whose methods of investigation have changed over the years (Porter & Washington, 1989). Two identifiable self-esteem research areas have included group self-esteem and personal self-esteem. According to Porter and Washington (1979, 1993), group self-esteem focuses on one's feelings about being a member of a racial or ethnic group. Personal self-esteem involves a comprehensive assessment of one's self, including feelings of intrinsic worth, competence, and self-approval. Three major paradigms have been used to examine personal self-esteem among African Americans. These paradigms include theory of social evaluation, locus of control, and socialization and strength of community. Findings in this area suggest that African Americans' personal self-esteem is no lower than the personal self-esteem of Whites. Problems and misinterpretations often arise when social identity and self-esteem are not examined separately. Brewer (1991) noted that American psychology tends to lump the two together. Historically, Blacks' anger has been associated with self-hate. Mays (1986) suggested that this anger "may reflect a healthy personality reacting to unjust forces of the social system" (p. 585).
RATIONALE FOR CURRENT STUDY
Existing literature seems to indicate that cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, racial identity, and self-esteem have implications for a wide range of situations (e.g., preference for counselors, multicultural training, psychological functioning). These variables can also have a significant impact on the personal lives of Blacks. Additional information is needed on cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, racial identity, and self-esteem in ethnically diverse Black populations. The purpose of this exploratory study was to examine these variables in African, African American, and West Indian/Caribbean university students. The specific questions of interest were the following: (a) Do differences exist among the three groups on cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, and racial identity? (b) Do differences exist among the three groups on self-esteem? (c) Are cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, and racial identity significant predictors of self-esteem for the three ethnic groups?
METHOD
Participants
A total of 160 undergraduate and graduate students enrolled at a large, public, predominantly White, southeastern university participated in this study. On the basis of participants' self-reported information, three Black ethnic groups (African, African American, West Indian/Caribbean) were represented in the sample. The African group consisted of 26 students (10 women, 16 men) who ranged in age from 20 to 47 (M = 30.38, SD = 7.09).There were 27% undergraduates (n = 7) and 73% graduate students (n = 19). The African American group consisted of I 10 students (81 women, 29 men) who ranged in age from 17 to 44 (M = 21.84, SD = 3.99). In this group, 73% were undergraduates (n = 80), 8% were fifth-year students (n = 9), and 19% were graduate students (n = 21).The West Indian/Caribbean group consisted of 24 students (19 women, 5 men), ranging in age from 17 to 34 (M = 21.27, SD = 4.54). In this group, 88% were undergraduate students (n = 21), and 13% were graduate students (n = 3). Due to rounding, percentages do not always total 100%. The proportion of participants for each group was a close approximation of their ethnic representation in the university's student population.
Procedure
Students were solicited to participate in the study through campus organizations (e.g., sororities, fraternities, Caribbean Student Association, African Students’ Union, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People [NAACP]) and through individual contacts. Students were paid $3.00 for their participation. For each student who was solicited to participate through a campus organization, a donation of $2.00 per student was made to the organization. Data collection occurred during a 4-- week period.
A letter explaining the purpose of the study and soliciting participation was sent to presidents of campus organizations with predominantly Black student memberships. Follow-up contact (i.e., phone calls, individual meetings) was made to answer any questions regarding the study and to arrange times for group administration of the study. Most of the data were gathered during group administrations; however, data were collected individually for organization members who could not attend the group administrations and for participants who were solicited through personal contact.
On arriving at the designated location, participants were told the following: "This study explores various social and political attitudes. The attached questionnaires contain statements about your feelings and attitudes toward yourself, other people, and the world. It will take about 30 minutes to complete the packet of materials." Participants were further instructed to read the directions carefully and to rate the statements as honestly and candidly as possible. Participants signed an informed consent letter and were then given a packet containing a self-esteem measure, a racial identity measure, an ethnic identity measure, a cultural mistrust measure, and a background information questionnaire. After completing the instruments and returning the packets, participants were debriefed about the study.
Instruments
Cultural Mistrust Inventory (CMI). The CMI (Terrell & Terrell, 198 1) is a 48-item, 10-point response format (O = not in the least agree, 9 = entirely agree) instrument measures Blacks' mistrust and suspiciousness of Whites in four general areas (politics and law, interpersonal relations, education and training, business and work). Higher CMI scores represent higher mistrust of Whites. Intercorrelations of the scales range from .11 to .23. Terrell and Terrell reported a 2-week test-retest reliability estimate of .86. External validity was established by examining the CMI and the Racial Discrimination Index. For the purposes of this study, only the CMI Education and Training and Interpersonal Relations subscales were used. According to Ponterotto and Casas (1991), the low intercorrelations of the subscales suggest the independence of each subscale and the appropriateness of using each subscale as a dependent variable.
Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM. Phinney (1992) developed the 14-item, 4-point (1 = strongly disagree, 4 = strongly agree) instrument to address, conceptually and methodologically, ethnic identity as a general phenomenon across groups. The components measured by the MEIM are ethnic behaviors (socializing with one's group members and participation in cultural traditions), affirmation and belonging (feelings of attachment to one's group, ethnic pride, attitudes toward one's group), and ethnic identity achievement (understanding one's ethnicity, commitment and secure knowledge of who one is as a member of an ethnic group). The instrument also assesses attitudes toward ethnic groups other than one's own.
Reliability for the MEIM was established using two samples (the largest being high school participants) (Phinney, 1992). Because the current study involves a university sample, psychometric information for the college sample is reported. The reliability coefficient for the overall measure was .90. Reliability coefficients for the subscales were .86 for Affirmation and Belonging, .80 for Ethnic Identity Achievement, and .74 for Other-Group Orientation. A reliability coefficient was not calculated for the Ethnic Behaviors subscale because it contains only two items (Phinney, 1992).
Racial Identity Attitude Scale-B (131AS-B, Long Form). The RIAS-B, Long Form (Helms, 1990) is a rationally constructed, 50-item, 5-point (I = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree) instrument designed to measure attitudes characteristic of the first four stages of Cross's (1971) Black racial identity development model. Pre-encounter attitudes involve a devaluation of one's Blackness and a preference for Euro-American values and behaviors. Encounter attitudes involve uncertainty regarding one's identity brought on by a personal event. Immersion/Emersion attitudes involve a rejection of White culture and an idealization of Black culture. Internalization attitudes involve an acceptance of and comfort with one's Black identity. Reliability coefficients are .76 for Pre-encounter, .51 for Encounter, .69 for Immersion/Emersion, and .80 for Internalization (as cited in Helms, 1990).
Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSE). The RSE (Rosenberg, 1979) is a 10-item Guttman scale designed to measure self-esteem. Two-week test-retest reliability studies indicate correlations of .85 and .88. The RSE also has a .92 Guttman scale coefficient of reproducibility (Fischer & Corcoran, 1994). Concurrent, construct, and predictive validity have been well-documented (Rosenberg, 1979). Construct validity has been demonstrated by significant correlation with theoretically similar measures (e.g., Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory) and by lack of correlation with dissimilar measures.
Background information questionnaire. This questionnaire gathered information pertaining to demographic variables (e.g., age, race/ethnicity), academic factors (e.g., current field of study, plans on graduation), and classification of citizenship (e.g., US. citizen, eligible non-citizen with an 1-94 card [entry card for entering the US. with or without a visa]).
Procedural Check
A procedural check was conducted with African, African American, and West Indian/Caribbean university students who were not participants in the study in an attempt to determine the feasibility and appropriateness of using the instruments with all three groups. Eighteen students (6 from each group) were asked to complete all of the instruments and to comment on the usefulness and clarity of items. Based on the feedback, changes were made to 5 items on the RIAS-B, Long Form. In each instance, a single word in the statements was the only change made.
RESULTS
Analyses for Research Question I Correlations among the CMI, MEIM and RIAS-B, Long Form subscales were computed and are found in Table 1. Most of the correlations were statistically significant. Due to the intercorrelations among the variables, we conducted a one-way multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) with ethnic group (African, African American, West Indian/ Caribbean) as the independent variable and the subscales of the CMI, MEIM, and RIAS-B, Long Form, as the dependent variables. The Wilks's lambda indicated a statistically significant MANOVA, F(20,256)= 3.97, p < .001. Follow-up univariate analyses of variance (ANOVAS) were performed to determine which variables were statistically significant. Because numerous univariate analyses were involved, the Bonferroni convention was used to reduce the chances of committing a Type I error (Keppel, 1982). Thus, only ANOVAs with a probability of .003 or less were accepted as statistically significant. (See Table 2 for additional information.) Tukey's honestly significant difference (HSD) procedures were performed on the statistically significant ANOVAs to determine which groups were statistically different (p < .05). On the CMI subscales, African American students scored statistically higher on both subscales than did African and West Indian/Caribbean students, indicating more mistrust of Whites. On the Ethnic Behaviors subscale of the MEIM African American and West Indian/Caribbean students' scores differed statistically from those of African students, with scores indicating higher levels of behaviors involving socialization with one's own group and participation in cultural traditions. On the Other-Group Orientation scale included in the MEIM, African and West Indian/ Caribbean scores were significantly higher than African American scores, indicating more interactions with ethnic groups other than their own. For the RIAS-B, Long Form Encounter and Immersion/Emersion statuses, African American students scored statistically higher than did the West Indian/Caribbean students; and on the Internalization status of the RIAS-B (Long Form), African American students scored statistically higher than both African and West Indian/Caribbean students.
Effect sizes were calculated to see how meaningful the differences in the group means were. This was done using omega squared, which examines variance accounted for by the treatment variables (Keppel, 199 1). In the behavioral and social sciences, the range for effect sizes are: .01 for small, .06 for medium, and .15 for large (Cohen, 1977). The omega squared calculations were .12 (Education and Training subscale of the CMI), .14 (Interpersonal Relations subscale of the CMI), .06 (Ethnic Behaviors subscale of the MEIM), .09 (Other-Group Orientation scale on the MEIM), .08 (Encounter status of the RIAS-B, Long Form), .06 (Immersion/Emersion status of the RIAS-B, Long Form), and .20 (Internalization status of the RIAS-B, Long Form).
Analysis for Research Question 2
To determine if differences existed among the groups on self-esteem, a one-way ANOVA was conducted. Ethnic group served as the independent variable, and self-esteem was the dependent variable. The one-way ANOVA was not statistically significant, F (2, 157) = 1.07, p = .35, indicating no differences among the groups on self-esteem.
Analyses for Research Question 3
Multiple regression analyses (using SPSS Windows 7.5, 1996) were conducted to determine if the relationship among cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, racial identity, and self-esteem varied by ethnic group. The regression model for African Americans, composed of the CMI; the MEIM; and the RIAS-B, Long Form subscale scores as the independent variables and the RSE score as the dependent variable, accounted for 37% of the variance in self-esteem, resulting in a statistically significant finding, F(10, 87) = 5.18, p < .001. The Internalization status of the RIAS-13, Long Form (p < .001) and the Other-Group Orientation scale on the MEIM (p < .05) emerged as statistically significant predictors of self-esteem for African Americans. The Internalization status was positively correlated with self-esteem whereas the Other-Group Orientation scale was negatively associated with self-esteem.
In an attempt to maintain methodological soundness in light of the small number of African and West Indian/Caribbean participants and the number of variables contained in the analysis, the African and West Indian/Caribbean groups were combined for the second multiple regression analysis. The regression model with the CMI, MEIM, and RIAS-B, Long Form subscale scores as the independent variables and the RSE score as the dependent variable was not statistically significant, F(10, 3 1) = 1.10, p =.39.
The primary rationale for conducting this research was to examine within-group variation (i.e., ethnic diversity within the Black population). By combining the African and West Indian/Caribbean groups in the previous analysis, this strayed from the original intent of the research. Keeping in mind the small number of African and West Indian/Caribbean participants, a set of multiple regression analyses were conducted with a subset of variables that, based on the literature, would possibly be salient in contributing to differences in self-esteem (e.g., Poindexter-Cameron & Robinson, 1997; Speight et al., 1996). Thus, a regression model with the RIAS-B, Long Form; Preencounter; Immersion/Emersion; and Internalization status scores and the MEIM Other-Group Orientation scale score as the independent variables and the RSE score as the dependent variable was tested. This model was not statistically significant for the African students, F(4, 19) = .5 9, p = .67, or the West Indian/Caribbean students, F(4, 17) = 1. 13, p = .3 7. The regression model accounted for 3 0% of the variance in self-esteem for the African American students, resulting in a statistically significant finding, F(4, 101) = 10. 63, p < .0001. The Preencounter status (p = .01), Immersion/Emersion status (p < .05), Internalization status (p < .0001), and Other-Group Orientation scale (p = .05) were all statistically significant, unique predictors of self-esteem. The Preencounter status, Immersion/Emersion status, and the Other-Group Orientation scale were negatively related to self-esteem, and the Internalization status was positively related to self-esteem.
DISCUSSION
We note several cautions when interpreting the results of this study. The first caution involves the sample. Most of the participants were members of an organized campus group (e.g., fraternity, sorority, NAACP) and participated in a group administration of the study. Thus, participation with friends and acquaintances may have had an unknown impact on the results of the study. In addition, membership in predominantly Black campus organizations in light of the variables being examined (e.g., cultural mistrust, racial identity) may also have influenced the results in an unknown manner. Because participants were undergraduate and graduate students at a large predominantly White institution in the Southeast, results of this study may not be generalizable to students at other institutions. Another sample-related issue is that the results of the study may be due to the small number of African and West Indian/Caribbean students in the sample.
A second caution has to do with campus and community events that may have affected the results of the study. For instance, during the academic year in which the data were collected, African American students led campus protests against what they perceived to be discriminatory practices against students of color. Such events may have influenced the way participants answered various questions.
Because the current study involves non-U.S. ethnically diverse Blacks, a third caution regarding instrumentation is necessary. The racial identity instrument used in this study and the theory on which it is based may not provide an adequate assessment of the racial identity construct or racial experiences for non-U. S. Blacks. Additional research is needed to determine the cross-cultural relevance of the instrument and theory.
With these cautions noted, results of this study are worthy of discussion. Differences were found among African, African American, and West Indian/Caribbean students on cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, and racial identity. In each instance, it was African American students whose scores were statistically different. They scored higher than both groups on mistrust of Whites in the areas of education and training and interpersonal relations; higher than both groups on the Internalization status; and lower than both groups on the Other-Group Orientation scale. African American students scored higher than African students on the Ethnic Behaviors subscale; and higher than West Indian/Caribbean students on the Encounter and Immersion/Emersion statuses. Along with African American students, West Indian/Caribbean students had higher ethnic behaviors scores than African students. Results also indicated that cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, and racial identity accounted for 37% of the variance in self-esteem for African American students, with internalization and other-group orientation as unique, significant predictors. There were no differences among the groups on self-esteem.
Group identity, based on the life experiences, historical perspectives, and sociocultural experiences of a group, has been identified in the literature as an important variable. The findings from the current study seem to support the importance of group identity in the lives of ethnically diverse Black individuals and to indicate increased saliency for some groups. We found that African American students were the ones to consistently score differently from the African and West Indian/Caribbean students. Thus, the type and degree of experiences encountered by African Americans in the United States, historically and currently, due to group membership may affect their outlook and worldview. In turn, group identity processes and variables might also be affected. We found this to be the case in the present study. Cultural mistrust, other-group orientation, and racial identity were significantly different for the African American students in the sample. The cultural mistrust and other-group orientation findings seem closely connected in that a mistrust of Whites could affect one's tendency to willingly engage them in activities. The higher scores on the Internalization status for African American students may be a result of constantly having to confront issues of race and racial identity. This may lead to a comfort level and acceptance level (or at least a familiarity) that is hot as readily apparent in other ethnically diverse Black student populations. For ethnically diverse Black group members who have been in the majority in their home nations or countries, racial identity issues may be less salient or may be taken for granted. With the exception of the Ethnic Behaviors subscale, there were no significant differences for ethnic identity. It may be that for this sample, when questioned about both ethnic identity and racial identity, ethnic identity was a less salient variable than racial identity. African American and West Indian/ Caribbean students had higher ethnic behaviors scores than African students. This may be a result of cultural traditions and practices being taken for granted and incorporated into a daily way of life for Africans; whereas, ethnic behaviors for African American and West Indian/Caribbean students may have added importance because of the significant influence and presence of other cultures.
There were no significant differences among the groups on self-esteem. It is possible that despite differences in life experiences and group experiences, personal self-esteem is maintained. Other interpretations are also possible (e.g., self-esteem has been affected but uniformly for all three groups). Clearly, additional work is necessary to ascertain whether the current results are generalizable and to determine their exact meaning.
Implications for Counseling and Student Affairs
Levels of cultural mistrust, racial identity, and the willingness to engage others who are ethnically different have important implications for the areas of counseling and student affairs. These variables are important to consider when planning and implementing campus programs, as well as for understanding different reactions to programs and activities. Knowledge of how campus programs and events may affect ethnically diverse Black students can aid in the preparation of appropriate and effective responses. This, in turn, can maximize efforts to support student learning and development among ethnically diverse Black university students. Campus climate and perceptions of the campus environment are other areas in which an understanding of cultural mistrust, racial identity, and other-group orientation can be helpful to administrators and student affairs professionals.
Understanding cultural mistrust, racial identity, and other-group orientation is also very important in dealing with race relations and understanding the racial climate of a university or college campus and may provide insight as well as a foundation for dealing with racial and ethnic tensions in these settings. Helms (1990) noted that feelings regarding race matters are often triggered by an environmental event. Thus, the racial climate of a college or university campus can have a significant impact. For example, the personalization of a racial event can increase encounter and immersion/emersion attitudes for Black students. Helms suggested that for internalized students their rational approach to different events on campus may mask their true feelings of injustice.
It is also important to understand the role of cultural mistrust, racial identity, and other-group orientation in the lives of ethnically diverse Black university students. For Black students, higher levels of cultural mistrust and ethnic attachment may serve as buffers against attacks on their self-esteem. It is important to know how these variables may be coping strategies that contribute to the psychological well-being of Black students. In addition, the findings from the current study may lead to a line of thinking that ethnically diverse Black students may have different psychological and social needs, which can be manifested behaviorally in various ways. Essandoh (1995) noted that adjustment to culture in the United States is often difficult for African students, and the inability to maintain traditions and ceremonies in the United States and to have family members in close proximity can lead to feelings of alienation and disconnectedness. If issues related to cultural mistrust, racial identity, and other-group orientation can be adequately understood and addressed through curricular, cocurricular, and psychoeducational programs and activities, retention rates for ethnically diverse Black university students may ultimately be increased.
The presenting concerns of Black clients and the dynamics of a counseling interaction can also be affected by cultural mistrust, racial identity, and other-group orientation. Issues related to adjustment, alienation, isolation, and the environment may be salient concerns for Black students. For African students, Essandoh (1995) identified boundary concerns, authority issues, differentiation, disturbance attribution, and access and underutilization of counseling services as issues with major implications for counseling practice. Helping professionals must understand and attend to these issues and processes to provide culturally sensitive and effective counseling services.
Future Research
The results of this study support the need for further investigation of differences among ethnically diverse Blacks. Further examination of the impact of one's sociocultural experience as a majority or minority group member within a given society seems warranted. For example, African Americans' higher levels of cultural mistrust may be a result of their minority status in the United States (Robinson & Ginter, 1999). Tajfel (1981) noted that various circumstances (e.g., social, historical) can affect the relationship between groups. A more in-depth understanding of how group experiences affect Blacks' attitudes toward Whites is needed.
Gender and socioeconomic class were not examined in this study. Future studies examining differences among ethnically diverse Blacks may find variations in responses based on gender and socioeconomic status.
Future research studies might also more closely examine issues related to group identity processes among ethnically diverse Black populations. For example, in conceptualizing racial identity and cultural mistrust, it would be helpful to know if these are processes that progress over time or have a different configuration. The length of time in the United States for the African and West Indian/Caribbean students was not taken into account in this study. Replication of this study in an African nation or West Indian country might also provide some additional information in this area.
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Author note
Rosemary E. Phelps is an associate professor in the Department of Counseling and Human Development Services at The University of Georgia, Athens. Janice D. Taylor is the director of the Division of Access and Retention at the University of Akron, Akron, Ohio. Phyllis A. Gerard is a school counselor in the Counseling Department at Norcross High School in Norcross, Georgia. Correspondence regarding this article should be sent to Rosemary E. Phelps Department of Counseling and Human Development Services, The University of Georgia, 402 Aderhold Hall, Athens, GA 30602 (e-mail: rephelps@uga.edu).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction or distribution is prohibited without
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